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33 pages 1 hour read

Elijah Anderson

Code of the Street

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 1999

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Summary and Study Guide

Overview

Code of the Street: Decency, Violence, and the Moral Life of the Inner City was written by Elijah Anderson, one of the leading sociologists and ethnographers in the United States. Code of the Street was a follow-up to Anderson’s 1990 publication, Streetwise: Race Class and Change in the Urban Community. Anderson currently teaches at Yale University and has continued to write on the topics of race, cultural sociology, and urban inequality. He was awarded the 2021 Stockholm Prize in Criminology, one of the most prestigious awards in that field.

Originally published in 1999, Code of the Street has become a reference for cultural theorists and urban sociologists for its in-depth analysis of life in the inner city. By examining the root causes of the ethical and cultural dynamics that shape areas where urban poverty is prevalent, Anderson unpacks the reality that systems are far more powerful than individual choices. Racial and economic stereotyping are instrumental in shaping the code of the street, and subsequently in shaping the worldviews of many who live in high-poverty urban areas. Code of the Street won the Komarovsky Book Award, which is given annually to a prominent work of sociology.

This guide refers to the 2000 Reprint edition, published by W.W. Norton & Company.

Plot Summary

Anderson divides Code of the Street into seven chapters, which are bookended by an introduction and a conclusion. In the introduction, Anderson provides the context for the book through the lens of Germantown Avenue in Philadelphia, PA. Germantown Avenue serves as a snapshot of the realities of life in America’s major urban centers. As Anderson argues, “the story of Germantown Avenue can […] serve as a metaphor for the whole city” (15). As people from different classes, races, and cultures collide on Germantown Avenue, many different worlds are represented. After traversing all of Germantown Avenue, Anderson ends with a section of town that is often overlooked and suffers from cross-generational poverty and chronic joblessness. In this section of town, the code of the street is the de facto way of life. Anderson defines the code of the street as “a set of informal rules governing interpersonal public behavior, particularly violence” (33). Alienated from much of mainstream society and its systems, people living by this code must learn how to navigate its rules in order to survive.

In Chapter 1 (“Decent and Street Families”), Anderson dichotomizes the two types of families represented in the inner city: “decent” families and “street” families. Whereas “decent families” strive to abide by civil law and often embrace the values of mainstream society, “street” families orient themselves around the code of the street, which serves in essence as their primary modus operandi. Anderson concludes the chapter by telling the story of Yvette, who came from a “decent” immediate family but whose extended family often resonated most with street values. Yvette’s story is complicated, even heartbreaking, as Anderson illustrates the challenges of the upwardly mobile who aspire to leave their neighborhoods in search of long-term economic stability.

In Chapter 2 (“Campaigning for Respect”), Anderson sheds light on the relationship between respect and violence within the context of the code of the street. The possibility of violence is an essential part of being respected, in the sense that being disrespected necessitates retaliatory violence. Respect is not defined necessarily by someone’s character but by their “juice,” which is associated with their physical appearance, their material possessions, and their ability to defend themselves.

In Chapter 3 (“Drugs, Violence, and Street Crime”), Anderson focuses on the underground economy and its impact on inner-city life. As inner-city residents, particularly young people, are often shut out of economic opportunities, the underground economy—namely the drug trade and sex work—emerges as the only viable means for survival. Within the drug trade, the threat of real violence increases, which contributes to a general sentiment among “decent” families that maintaining a community is harder and harder to do, as innocent people are regularly victimized.

In Chapter 4 (“The Mating Game”), Anderson turns to the subject of the sexual codes among inner-city youths, which often revolve around sexual prowess as a way of proving manhood. The byproducts of these sexual codes often lead to teenage pregnancy and the perpetuation of exploitative sexual relationships in which young men objectify young women, treating them as rewards in a game.

In Chapters 5 and 6 (“The Decent Daddy” and “The Black Inner-City Grandmother in Transition”), Anderson explores two archetypes: fathers in “decent” families, who try to lead their families toward economic stability, and matriarchal grandmothers, who often serve as both financial providers and sources of emotional support. However, the code of the street often devalues their efforts to serve as the anchors of their families. With the underground economy’s constant lure, including the pervasive threat of drug addiction and the generational detachment that many people feel, older male role models and grandmothers are left to fight for their own families.

In Chapter 7 (“John Turner’s Story”), Anderson tells the story of John Turner, who was already a father of four when Anderson met him at a restaurant. John was working behind the counter at the restaurant when he approached Anderson, seeking advice. For the next decade, Anderson kept in touch with John, often offering counsel and even practical help. John’s story is emblematic of the code of the street, as his personal circumstances involve so many of its key aspects such as the search for respect, the constant threat of violence, the lure of the underground economy, and sexual prowess as an expression of true manhood. Ultimately, after multiple attempts to help John get on his feet by securing him gainful, long-term employment, Anderson expresses the following insight: “the street proved much more receptive to John than did the wider, more legitimate society, so he was encouraged to invest his personal resources in the oppositional culture” (286).

Finally, in the book’s Conclusion, Anderson argues that so many of the young people living by the code of the street desperately need and crave positive role models. In the absence of transformational role models, inner-city youth often experience a deepening sense of alienation from mainstream society. 

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